(Similarly, when members of those communities themselves relocate, one adopts implicitly the perspective of some kind of state or global bureaucrat in speaking of "flows" of people.)Īs a result, the kind of "globalization" studied by anthropologists has tended to be very different than that discussed by, say, sociologists, historians, or students of international relations, let alone politicians, IMF economists, or the sort of people who now regularly lay siege to their meetings from Rio to Genoa. Yet increasingly the tendency is to detach these processes from any subject entirely and to speak of the struggle of some local community to deal with what are figured as impersonal global "flows" (e.g., capital flows, flows of consumer goods or media images) treated veritably as natural phenomena. This is usually what anthropologists have done. To some, an anthropology of globalization might seem a contradiction in terms: At best, anthropologists can write about how particular communities come into relation with "global" forces (whether the vagaries of the market, misadventures of international development agencies, or attempts by transnational corporations to set up factories or market action movies) as they come crashing in, as it were, onto previously more stable worlds. 498 pp.įor some time now, anthropologists have been struggling to figure out how we, as a discipline, should relate to the phenomenon popularly known as "globalization." It is a particular challenge for a discipline whose strongest suit has traditionally been its ability to get inside and understand small-scale communities, to comprehend local loyalties and systems of local knowledge. Jonathan Xavier Inda and Renato Rosaldo, eds. The Anthropology of Globalization: A Reader. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001. 320 pp.Ĭonsumers and Citizens: Globalization and Multicultural Conflicts. Millennial Capitalism and the Culture of Neoliberalism.
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